October
12, 1998
Lock
Up the Holocaust Deniers? By
GEOFFREY WHEATCROFT LONDON
--
Last Tuesday, the European Parliament
voted to lift the legal immunity of
Jean-Marie Le Pen, one of its
members, so that a German prosecutor can
begin a criminal investigation of remarks
Le Pen made belittling the Holocaust. The
European Parliament has few serious
duties, and last week's vote may have
seemed like a way of justifying its
existence. That does not mean that the
vote was wise. Le
Pen is the leader of the far-right
National Front in France, and has -- more
than once, most recently in Munich last
December -- dismissed the extermination of
the European Jews as a "detail of
history." Since "Holocaust denial" or
"minimizing the crimes of the Third Reich"
is against
the law in Germany,
he can now be prosecuted there. Conviction
could bring a fine and a prison sentence
of up to five years. If
he is imprisoned, Le Pen will receive
sympathy he doesn't deserve. He is an
odious demagogue, an anti-Semite and
racist who has unashamedly allied himself
with those who call themselves
"revisionists" -- another National Front
member of the European Parliament is
Bruno Gollnisch, a university
lecturer who claims that there were no gas
chambers in the Nazi camps. These men are
a step away from the crackpots who claim
by pamphlet -- and nowadays by the
Internet -- that there was no genocide at
all. Much
of Le Pen's electoral support no doubt
comes from people who aren't themselves
evil racists; they are just perplexed and
embittered by the fast-changing modern
world, with its rapid immigration,
globalization and downsizing. But then,
that's the ground in which fascism always
breeds. In
the last years of the Weimar Republic
there was a demonstrable collusion between
Nazis and Communists to destroy German
democracy, with both parties appealing to
much the same constituency of the
disaffected. Interestingly enough, polls
now show that a large block of French
voters shifted directly to the National
Front from the Communists after that party
faded away. We
heard the same argument -- that
prosecuting someone like Le Pen would make
a martyr of him -- during the debates
several years ago over the British war
crimes bill. Numerous men had come here
after the war who, it was believed, had
participated in atrocities in wartime
Europe. But whatever they had done in
Poland or Lithuania was not a crime under
English law, since it was outside the
jurisdiction and they were not British
subjects at the time. (If they had been,
then they could have been tried for murder
wherever they had committed it.) The war
crimes bill sought to allow prosecution of
such suspects. In
the course of ill-tempered parliamentary
debates, opponents of the bill argued that
prosecuting "pathetic old men" would
arouse sympathy for them. The law was in
fact passed, and prosecutions have been
undertaken. But the difficulties of
securing convictions after half a century
have been predictably large, and one or
two of the old men have in fact been too
physically or mentally infirm to stand
trial. Although
some Jewish groups lobbied for that law,
other Jews opposed it. In one of the
shortest and best speeches ever made in
the House of Lords, Lord Bauer (the
eminent economist Professor Peter
Bauer) said that his father had
perished at Hitler's hands, but that he
opposed the bill on the grounds that it
was retroactive legislation and a further
erosion of the rule of law. That
was also argued eloquently and bravely by
Chaim Bermant, who wrote a
wonderful weekly column for The Jewish
Chronicle of London until his death in
January. He also argued against a
Holocaust denial law after one was
proposed in England early last year and
Tony Blair, not long before he
became Prime Minister, said with
what
I'm afraid is his usual instinct for
ingratiation
that he liked the idea. As
Bermant pointed out, a Holocaust denial
law would be impossible in the United
States because of the First Amendment. And
as he also said, such a law ought to be
unthinkable in any country with a
tradition of free speech. As
for Britain's war crimes bill, horrible as
the atrocities committed by those men may
have been, the real objection was that we
don't want to live in a country that
stages show trials. Repulsive as the
"deniers" are, the objection to a
Holocaust denial law is that we don't want
to live in a country where the state tells
us what to think. France
is among the countries that have passed
such laws, along with Germany. Perhaps
they have consciences to assuage. Perhaps
that's understandable. That's no reason
for others to follow their lead, and so
far the proposal has not, in fact, come to
anything here. As
to the European Parliament, quite apart
from the question of whether members of
that otiose and overpaid body should enjoy
legal immunity in the first place, there
is something disquieting about last week's
vote. It is the lack of confidence in the
spirit of free inquiry and free debate,
and in the power of honesty. Contemptible
as Le Pen is, he should be left to stew in
his own juice. The
answer to lies is not to lock up the liars
but to tell the truth. Geoffrey
Wheatcroft is the author of "The
Controversy of Zion: Jewish
Nationalism, the Jewish State and the
Unresolved Jewish Dilemma." ©
1998 New York Times |