Article Nato's
Barbarism by James Bissett IT IS time for Nato's
political leaders to admit their unjust
and unnecessary war against Yugoslavia has
been a colossal failure. It is time to put
an immediate end to the bombing before
ground troops are engaged and the war
escalates. For 69 days the democratic
countries of the West have been
systematically smashing to pieces a modern
European state. None of Nato's objectives
has been achieved. The air strikes have
degenerated into a war of annihilation
against the Serbian people. Yugoslavia is a small country with a
population of less than 10 million people
of whom approximately 65% are of Serbian
origin. Even before the bombing, its
economy had collapsed as a result of
economic sanctions. Its leader was
unpopular, and in the last municipal
elections in Belgrade his party received
less than 20% of the vote. It was a
country that presented no threat either to
its neighbours or to European
security. Despite this, our Nato leaders --
without consulting their parliaments or
their people -- have chosen to bomb
Yugoslavia into submission. There should
be no misunderstanding about this. Nato is
using the most dreadful weapons of modern
warfare: cluster bombs and cruise
missiles. Many of the weapons being used
contain depleted uranium, which will
spread deadly radioactive dust throughout
the region, contaminating for generations
water, soil and crops. It may come as a
surprise to many Canadians to realize
Canada is the major supplier of depleted
uranium to the U.S. military complex. Nato's
unprovoked attack is a blatant
violation of every precept of
international law. It is a violation of
the Final Act of the Conference On
Security and Co-operation in Europe,
signed in Helsinki in August, 1975,
which reaffirmed respect for sovereign
equality, the inviolability of
frontiers, the peaceful settlement of
disputes, non-intervention in internal
affairs, and the avoidance of the
threat or use of force. It is a
violation of Nato's own treaty by which
it undertakes "to settle any
international dispute . . . by peaceful
means . . . and to refrain from the
threat or use of force in any manner
inconsistent with the purposes of the
United Nations." Some apologists for Nato, including our
own foreign minister, feebly try to
justify the Nato bombing by arguing ethnic
cleansing in Kosovo had to be stopped.
Prior to March 24, the Yugoslav military,
using classic counter-insurgency tactics,
did burn and destroy villages in Kosovo
suspected of harbouring KLA rebels, and
many of the unfortunate inhabitants of
these villages were killed or displaced --
but there was no mass expulsion from
Kosovo. As has been verified by OSCE
monitors who were on the ground in Kosovo,
the mass expulsion of Albanians took place
after the bombing. The Yugoslav army is forcing the
Albanians out of Kosovo as a strategy of
war. In anticipation of a Nato ground
invasion, the Yugoslavs do not wish to
fight against the world's most powerful
military force while at the same time
surrounded by a hostile population. In
war, the friend of your enemy is your
enemy. It is not a humane strategy, but
then neither is the use of cluster
bombs. If Nato felt compelled to intervene
militarily in what was a relatively
low-grade armed rebellion in Yugoslavia,
why then did it not follow the rules and
go before the United Nations Security
Council seeking authority to intervene? We
are told Nato did not do so because it was
assumed Russia or China might have vetoed
such an action. But this is precisely why
the founders of the UN stipulated that
before there could be intervention in a
sovereign state there must be agreement by
all five of the great powers. It was
considered that intervention without
unanimity might involve armed conflict
between or among the five themselves. Today some Nato leaders scorn the UN
and tell us human rights must prevail over
sovereign rights. Yet none of them are
able to suggest new rules to replace the
ones in place. Those who express concern
about this are regarded as old-fashioned,
but is it old-fashioned to assume that
until new laws are proclaimed the old ones
should be respected? It may be some
of our Nato leaders are not old enough
to remember that the founders of the
United Nations had lived through two
cataclysmic world wars in less than 20
years. They had witnessed the
destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki
by atomic bombs. Those who drafted the
United Nations framework for world
peace and security did so in the
conviction of one simple truth, that if
mankind were to survive it had to learn
at all costs to put an end to war and
to learn to settle disputes by peaceful
means. To their everlasting shame, our Nato
leaders have chosen war over peace in
Kosovo. They have abandoned diplomacy in
favour of bloodshed. They have taken us
back to the Cold War and the arms race.
They have smashed the framework of world
security. They have guaranteed that we
will start the new century as we did this
one, with killing and carnage. They have
left us with a terrible legacy. With six
months to go before the millennium, they
have taken us back to barbarism. James Bissett is
former Canadian ambassador to Yugoslavia
(1990-1992). |