⚠️ Historical Documentation Notice
Historical Documentation Notice

This document is part of a historical archive and is presented for scholarly research and educational purposes.

The content reflects historical perspectives and should be understood within its historical context.

Documents
on the “Holocaust”

Clearly
for writers and editors of the pre 1950 Palestine Post,
“holocaust” has a broad range of possible referents and
does not carry “deep religious, Judeo-Christian
connotations.”

Jon
Petrie

investigates the etymology of the word
“Holocaust”

THIS SEPTEMBER [1999] some [H-Holocaust]
list members have responded to a query about the employment of [the word]
holocaust” before
Elie Wiesel‘s first use.

Back in April 1997 (24
April) Jim Mott closed down a discussion on early employment of “holocaust” after Hillary Earl claimed that Henry Morgenthau around 1915 used the word to refer to Turkish massacres of Armenians and I quoted a 24
December 1942 use by [Chaim] Weizmann.

(My posting also took issue with a claim that “broadening the meaning of the word Holocaust to encompass murder of segments of other population groups is a vicious attempt to diminish the right of the Jewish survivors of this horror to point the finger at the perpetrators …”)

Jim Mott had in my experience never closed down a discussion quite as precipitously and his action lead me to wonder if some aspects of mainstream scholarly representation of the word might not withstand careful examination. My “The Secular Word
” HOLOCAUST”: Scholarly Myths,
History, and Twentieth Century Meanings” is due to appear this year in the Journal of Genocide
Research (Vol. 2, #1). The following, in part, draws from the article:

Typical of scholarly (mis)representations of “holocaust” is Michael Berenbaum‘s: “The Septuagint, the Greek translation of the Hebrew Bible, translates the Hebrew word olah as holokauston. The Hebrew literally means that which is offered up; it signifies a burnt offering offered whole unto the Lord.

The word itself softens and falsifies the event by giving it a religious significance.” (The World Must
Know, p. 1.) Omer Bartov writes: “‘Holocaust’ is a name that provides the event with meaning, and the meaning carries deep religious, Judeo-Christian connotations
… Holocaust means sacrifice, God, purpose.” (In Michael
Berenbaum and Abraham Peck (eds.), The
Holocaust and History, pp. 79-80.)

Supporting such statements is a frequently cited article by Zev Garber and Bruce Zukerman “Why do we
Call the Holocaust ‘The Holocaust’?” Garber and Zuckerman assert “[T]he editors of the King James Version of the Bible … translated the Hebrew term for whole-burnt offering, the olah … ‘holocaust.’

Indeed, the adoption by the King James editors of this use of the term probably played the decisive role in fixing ‘religious sacrifice’ as the primary sense of the term in English up until the mid-Twentieth Century.” (Modern
Judaism, 9:2 (1989), p. 199 — Garber in a posting 1
September directed readers to this article.)

A major problem with the quoted Garber and Zuckerman assertion is that “holocaust” is not to be found in the King
James Bible. (Olah is translated as “burnt offerings” and similar in the King James Bible, olah has not been translated as “holocaust” in a Protestant Bible since c.
1600, and olah has never been translated as “holocaust” in a
Jewish Bible.)

More generally the idea that late twentieth century Protestants and Jews, ‘uninformed’ by such scholars as Barenbaum, Bartov, Garber etc., would ascribe
Judeo-Christian connotations to the word “holocaust” is demonstrably false. And, by ignoring the broad pre 1950s secular use of “holocaust,” scholarly commentators, in my opinion, leave the impression that the word jumped out of the Bible into their hands and that any use of the word to describe a non-Jewish catastrophe is illegitimate.

To help dispel such impressions consider the seven uses of
“holocaust” in the Palestine Post of 1938:

  • “…
    the French press is worried lest there be some connection
    between the bloodless holocaust of German Generals and
    Ambassadors and the persistent reports that Mussolini is
    about to intervene in Spain …” (6 February, 1938 p. 4,
    col. 4.)
  • “For
    the first time since last September Japanese aeroplanes
    again raided Canton …

    Although the damage exceeds
    September’s holocaust, the death toll was somewhat less
    …” (29 May 1938, p. 1, col. 1)

  • “After
    the Haifa holocaust … ” (17 July 1938, p. 8, col. 1)
  • “Yesterday
    was also an anniversary of destruction. It was the day on
    which Great Britain entered the World War 24 years ago.

    Since that holocaust swept over the world, it has had no
    real peace …” (5 August 1938, p. 6, col. 2)

  • “…
    the holocaust of 1914-18 …” (11 September 1938, p. 8,
    col. 3)
  • “…
    thanks to the general dread of yet another European
    holocaust … [Hitler] has brought them peace
    with territorial aggrandisement. (11 October 1938, p. 6,
    col. 2)
  • “…
    the planning system of the Bolshevist regime has broken
    down …

    The holocaust of directors and engineers shot as
    “wreckers” to stimulate others has brought only spasms
    …” (27 October 1938, p. 3, col. 2)

A 1940 Palestine Post advertisement for “Mandrake the Magician” promised “a flaming holocaust of thrills” (31 May 1940, p. 10). A column in the Palestine Post of 26
July 1946 reads in part: “There are women … whose household labours resounds [with] the constant ringing of crashing china and glasses … Those glasses that escape the holocaust of housework …” (p. 8, cols. 1-2.)
And per the Palestine Post of 9
May 1947: “

On May 4 1897 … 1,200 people crowded into a tent to see the cinema. Suddenly the light bulb of the projector exploded … the holocaust, which lasted 20 brief minutes, claimed 124 lives.” (p. 4, cols. 2-3.)

Clearly for writers and editors
of the pre 1950 Palestine Post, “holocaust” has a broad
range of possible referents and does not carry “deep
religious, Judeo-Christian connotations.”

Scholarly commentators, while pushing the idea that
“holocaust” came into English through the Bible, pass over the fact that the Greek word, before it entered the
Septuagint, denoted pagan sacrifices and that the modern
English word in it sense of “religious burnt offering” is not restricted to Judeo-Christian offerings but may denote
“a pagan sacrifice to a false god.”

The most circulated “holocaust” of today, in its sense of
“religious sacrifice,” and within a secular text, employs the word in its original pagan sense: “For him … God is dead … the God of Abraham, of Isaac, of Jacob … has vanished forevermore … in the smoke of a human holocaust exacted by Race, the most voracious of all idols.”
(Francois Mauriac in his introduction to Elie
Wiesel’s Night, originally published in 1960 — Wiesel first used “holocaust” in August
1963).

An early Jewish employment of “holocaust” to refer to events in Nazi Germany was in a telegram of 16 November 1938
from the Chief Rabbis of Palestine to the Chief Rabbi of the
British Empire: ” PROPOSE YOU … PROCLAIM
JEWISH DAY OF MOURNING … FOR HOLOCAUST SYNAGOGUES GERMANY
…” (Hartley
Library: University of Southampton Special Research
Collections – information brochure, n.d. [1998], p.
12 — MS 175/142/1 in the collection, MS copywright J.

Schonfield) As has been pointed out in postings on this list, the London Times Literary
Supplement in an editorial of 26 August 1939 warned of an impending “holocaust” of Jews in Nazi Germany. (p.
503, col. 2)

In the United States of the 1940s and 1950s the word saw, in addition to its use as a referent to a wide variety of other events, occasional use as a referent to the mass murder of Jews in the Hitler period or to both the mass murder and preceding persecutions.

(For example, “Holocaust in Europe” [chapter title] and “Tzivya Lubertkin,
‘the mother of the ghetto,’ who survived the holocaust …”
[Rufus Learsi, Israel: A
History of the Jewish People (Cleveland and New York:
World, 1949, pp. 645, 654])

Peter Novick has pointed out on this list that
Israeli English use of “holocaust” in its sense of the
Jewish catastrophe was disseminated to the United States in the early 1960s. (It should be noted that American Jewish interest in the Nazi murders, before the Eichmann
trial and the [Hannah] Arendt
New Yorker articles of 1963, was very slight.)

As Novick notes, the word is employed in the Israeli Declaration of Independence. (New York Times, 15 May 1948, p. 2, col. 3)

In the 1956 numbers of Yad Vashem’s primarily Hebrew
Yediot, the phrase “Nazi holocaust” is used on eight occasions in the seven pages of
English text. And in one instance, “Holocaust” is employed as it is commonly used today, capitalized and with no modifier: “… the main ceremony of the Memorial Day of the
Holocaust and Jewish Heroism …”

In 1957 Yad Vashem began publishing the world’s first English journals devoted to study of the Jewish European catastrophe. “Holocaust” was employed extensively in the Yad Vashem
Bulletin of 1957 and 1958, but barely occurs in the more academic Studies.

IN THE UNITED STATES of the early 1960s the most common referent of “holocaust” was nuclear war / nuclear destruction. For example, The
Reporter of 17 August 1961 titled a review of two books on nuclear war and nuclear strategy, “A Cold Look at the Holocaust.” And the cover of the 4 November 1961 Nation displays in upper case: ” SHELTERS WHEN THE
HOLOCAUST COMES.”

Beyond the example of Israeli usage, American Jewish writers probably abandoned such words as “disaster,”
“catastrophe,” and “massacre” in favor of “holocaust” in the
1960s because “holocaust” with its evocation of the then actively feared nuclear mass death effectively conveyed something of the horror of the Jewish experience during
World War II.

The context of Wiesel’s first employment of “holocaust” suggests that the “nuclear holocaust” sense of the word was the association that drove his selection of “holocaust” to refer to the Jewish catastrophe:

“It has become a kind of intellectual fad to
upbraid the Jews murdered in World War II for allowing
themselves to be killed … Psychologists like Bruno
Bettelheim, and sociologists like Hannah Arendt, are not
the only ones who have been complaining … One finds
this … even in fiction whose theme has nothing to do
with the Nazi holocaust.

For example, in Fail Safe, the
best seller about an atomic accident … a minor
character [contends that Jews] should have
murdered the SS men who came to arrest them.” (Wiesel,
The New Leader, 5 August 1963, p. 21.)

(A key sentence in Fail
Safe, ends with the words “atomic holocaust,” and a
Bettleheim 1961 Midstream attack on the glorification of Anne Frank refers to an “impending holocaust.”).

Increasingly in the 1970s “holocaust” was capitalized and as writings and other representations of the Jewish disaster multiplied “h/Holocaust” increasingly, in most contexts, did not need modifiers like “Nazi” to clarify that the intended referent was the “Final Solution” and perhaps also the Nazi persecution of Jews. (Yad Vashem, at least in its early years, officially defined the “h/Holocaust” as starting in
1933.)

In some employments, particularly since the late
1980s, “Holocaust” refers not simply to the persecution and/or murder of Jews but also to the Nazi persecution and/or murder of Jews and others.

Sometimes references are made to five million non-Jewish victims of the Holocaust. (Per the Simon Wiesenthal
Center’s web site “the recognized figure [of non-Jewish civilians murdered during World War II] is approximately five million.”)

The five million figure seems to have been pulled out of thin air. (Garber and Zuckerman [Modern Judaism,
9:2, p. 208] write of “eleven million people … killed by the Nazis in the concentration camps.” — the actual figure, excluding POW death in holding camps, is around four and a half million.)

I complained in March 1997
postings of the US Holocaust Museum’s minimization of
Soviet and Polish death and suggested list members lobby
the Museum. As far as I know no list member, other than
myself, has complained to the Museum about its misleading
statements.

The tolerance of misleading figures of non-Jewish death at the Museum and elsewhere, the widespread misrepresentations of the connotations of the word
“holocaust,” and the failure to criticize a key misrepresentation of the King James Bible in a widely cited article might lead a reasonable but relatively uninformed person to doubt the veracity of core representations of the
Jewish Holocaust.

I happen to be sufficiently grounded in modern history and to know enough witnesses to the Holocaust to have no doubt that 5 to 6 million Jews were murdered directly or indirectly by the Germans.

Whether the average person in a generation or two will have doubts about this core representation of the Jewish
Holocaust, I suspect will depend less on Holocaust deniers than the perceived credibility of the community of Holocaust scholars.

At some point in the future this perceived credibility may depend on a record of intolerance of factual error, on an obvious long standing concern that what is disseminated to the uninformed by the community is in all respects accurate. Per Michael Marrus, “The historian’s job is to get it right!” Within the Holocaust scholarly community
“getting it right” and insisting that members of the community “get it right,” demonstrably, has had a fairly low value.

Jon Petrie ([email protected])

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