JANUARY
13th, 1982 (Wednesday) IN MID-JANUARY I found
myself addressing the Cambridge Union.
Four hundred students filled the chilly
structure, attentive and orderly but for a
minority of minorities who rose to their
feet regardless of the Rules of that
ancient body, and voiced their objections
in language reminiscent of Julius
Streicher's Stürmer.
A number of their friends had come up
from London and wanted to attend, they
objected; but Peter Harvey, the
Union's sage and distracted president,
ruled that only Members might attend. I
myself had no objection, and said as much,
although the last time that people brought
their friends and comrades up from London
to "attend" a speech me it was a memorable
occasion: they arrived by the coachload
and it took scores of police to battle
them back from the entrances to the
Birmingham Union building. On this occasion I saw out of the
corner of my eye the tall, gaunt figure of
Richard Morley -- a veteran of that
Birmingham battle who is now a leading
light in the Cambridge Union -- limp onto
the Floor next to me dragging a recently
broken leg and making me think for one
moment that the Birmingham Werewolf had
arrived. But he was merely raising a Point
of Order with a courtesy and courtliness
that some of Cambridge's indigenous
indignants have still to acquire.
ON
THE BRITISH AIRWAYS Trident to Hamburg, I
found myself behind the rotund figure of
Lord Weidenfeld. We conversed
amiably. He was able to deny as apocryphal one
story I had been told by a mysterious
Swiss lawyer friend, François
Genoud. Genoud
controls the rights to all Hitler's,
Bormann's
[left]
and Goebbels's literary
estates. As such, he was the man who sold
Weidenfeld the rights to Hitler's Table
Talk, published in l953. According to Genoud's agreeable
version, when Weidenfeld asked to whom he
should make the cheque payable, he said:
"Not cheque, cheques. £20,000
to me, please; and the other £20,000
to Paula Hitler" -- the
Führer's sister. Weidenfeld swore him
to secrecy. I am sure Weidenfeld
swore. Not so, the noble publisher now said to
me, as we unfastened our seatbelts. "Paula
Hitler?" he exclaimed, raising his
eyebrows. "Did part of the money go to
her?" Our lives seem inextricably entwined.
It was Weidenfeld who precipitously
cancelled the contract on my biography
Hitler's
War. At that time, he had not even
seen the manuscript, which was only half
written. I
had promptly offered it to Hodder and
Stoughton Ltd., who offered substantially
more than he had paid and made a great
success of the publication. I remember
running into Lord W. again on October 13,
1973, at the Frankfurt Book Fair and
taking the opportunity of asking the
reasons behind his decision. I wrote in my
diary in my hotel room that night: "8 pm to midnight, dinner
party for 200 given by Reader's Digest.
[...] I found myself eventually
next to Weidenfeld, whom
Robin
[Denniston]
insisted on placing next to me. Towards
11 pm [...] in the same maudlin
fashion the same W. as had stared
stonily through me all evening poured
out his heart about the 'tragedy' which
had lost his firm the Hitler book
without even seeing it. "He asked rhetorically if I knew
who the enemies
intriguing against me are? He had
cancelled the book under extreme
outside pressure, he said, from
officials of Zionist groups and
representations made -- indirectly, he
later hinted -- by the embassies of two
European countries, one of whom, a
'Nato Federal Republic', had stated to
him that its secret service had warned
most urgently against publishing my
book as I was a 'highly dangerous man',
etc. etc." My note reminds me that I later
formally thanked him for these very open
revelations. Afterwards he published my biography of
Erwin Rommel, The
Trail of the Fox, and did very well
out of it indeed.
IN HAMBURG I was to address the German
People's Union. As a precaution I had
first inquired of the German embassy
whether it is a proscribed organisation:
it is not. At Hamburg's modern congress centre,
where I was due to speak that Saturday
afternoon, I was perplexed to find the
building cordoned by police and placards
announcing that the event had been
cancelled. As I tried to enter, senior
police officers were telling the arriving
guests to disperse. It was with some
difficulty that I got past them.
Organisers assured me that a judicial
injunction had been obtained by their
lawyer, Dr Jürgen Rieger,
obliging the congress hall to honour its
contract, despite the threat of terrorist
violence. The director of the People's Union had
covered every base. One of his men was
carrying over ten thousand pounds in cash
in case the hall management demanded a
cash security. In fact, if the meeting had
been abandoned, then the Union would have
been many thousands of pounds the richer
through compensation from the hall
management: the Union has won several such
actions before. We sat in the hall
restaurant, awaiting the court
official. Masked and hooded men began trickling
across the park and surrounding the
building. I don't think they were on our
side. The police moved up reinforcements.
Thirty truckloads of helmeted riot police
and dog handlers arrived in convoy with
water cannon. Swinging batons and wielding
shields they forced back the hooting
demonstrators. Several guests were
manhandled before they could get into the
building but the police looked on
impassively. After ninety minutes, the court
tipstaff arrived and announced: "If you do
not open the hall, I shall be obliged to
do so by force" (He was all of five foot
six, so his courage was formidable.) Our
meeting began. Of the eight hundred people
who had come from all over Hamburg to hear
me, only 150 braved the combination of
flying fists, police obstinacy and
below-zero temperatures. Next day, the
tabloid Bild newspaper announced
that the violence had been caused by
clashes between Reds and Nazis. Fortunately, the police managed to keep
both factions out of the auditorium. At
Düsseldorf it was the same story. The
opposition had inserted advertisements in
the Rheinische Post and several
other newspapers announcing that the
meeting was cancelled. They also
threatened violence, and the Hilton hotel
cancelled the contract at the eleventh
hour. This time the Union's lawyer, the
Pickwickian Dr Hans Linnenbrink,
obtained an immediate court injunction,
under which the hotel would have forfeited
up to half a million Deutschmarks
(£120,000) if they refused to honour
their contract; the alternative would be
six months' jail for the hotel manager.
Eight hundred people packed the hall, and
only one man had to be ejected throughout
the three hour meeting. The
Düsseldorf police did their job and
there was no violence whatever. Why the difference? Hamburg has a
radical Left administration, and the
police leadership there are political
appointees. |