June 9,
1994 A
Pervasive Fear by Joseph Sobran FROM time to time the
press reports on polls measuring
"anti-Semitism" in America, or recites
numbers of "anti-Semitic incidents" (as
defined and counted by Jewish
organizations). In truth, there is little
active hostility to Jews in America, which
is as it should be. But there is very
little public criticism of Jewish
politics, which is another
matter. What polls don't and probably can't
measure is the enormous fear of Jews that
prevails in some parts of America,
particularly in politics and the news
media. People don't always admit fear to
themselves, let alone to strangers. But it
finds expression in many ways, most often
in silence. Very few commentators dare to
point out the obvious when it may reflect
badly on Jews. This has been true at least since World
War II. And to some extent it can be
excused as humanitarian concern for the
rights of Jews, reinforced by a more
specific apprehension of Nazi-like
reprisals against all Jews if guilty
parties were identified as Jews. But that
explanation runs out of gas long before
this point on the road. Today we find it
rare to find culpable Jews identified as
Jews even where it may be appropriate to
point out that they are acting consciously
as Jews. A recent example is Pavel
Sudoplatov's book
Special
Tasks, which alleges that J.
Robert Oppenheimer and other Jewish
scientists were motivated to leak nuclear
secrets to the Soviet Union because they
were persuaded that the Soviet Union
provided a haven for Jews. Like other
books that have raised sensitive questions
about Jewish loyalties and their
consequences for America, such as Victor
Ostrovsky's By Way
of Deception and Seymour
Hersh's The
Sampson Option, Special Task has
been the target of an intense discrediting
campaign, and even when it has been
discussed the Jewish angle has been played
down or has even gone totally unmentioned.
What makes these books especially
explosive is that their authors are either
Jewish or, in Sudoplatov's case,
pro-Jewish, and can't be dismissed with
the anti-Semitic smear. To cite once more the case I know best
[National Review publisher]
Bill Buckley warned me privately
and urgently against criticizing Israel
and thereby provoking the wrath of the
Podhoretz crowd, whose charges of
anti-Semitism he dreaded like Jove's
thunderbolts; his book
In Search of
Anti-Semitism, is written in the
twisted prose of a man who is afraid of
saying what he means - afraid of using his
own mind, for fear of where it might lead
him. And I've mentioned how shabbily he
treated his own father in that book. But
in fairness I should add that his father's
record goes far to explain Bill's present
concerns, though not as he describes
them. According to
an old and now estranged friend of Bill
named Revilo Oliver, the elder
William Buckley was "well known in
certain circles for his discreet
subvention of effectively anti-Jewish
periodicals and his drastic opinion
about the aliens' perversion of our
national life." And others have
described Bill as (in the words of one
friend) "terrified of his father's
anti-Semitism" - terrified, that is, of
being tainted by it. In his book, Bill
makes it sound as if his father's
hatred of Jews vented itself harmlessly
in dinner-table talk. Evidently it went
much further than that. So Bill may
have thought he was protecting his
father rather than disgracing him by
telling as much (and as little) of the
story as he did. In one thing, though, Bill and his
father are in accord; in their shared fear
of the Jews. A recent issue of National
Review carried an article by
Elliott Abrams, Norman Podhoretz's
son-in-law, blaming Christianity for
anti-Semitism. This is the sort of
propaganda Will Buckley was afraid would
be disseminated in America if Jewish power
continued to expand, but surely he would
have been surprised to find it in his own
son's magazine. Would Bill allow it into
his pages if he weren't afraid to oppose
Jewish influence? And he is far from unique. I could make
a long list of Christian conservatives -
Judaeo-Christians, so to speak - who are
equally timid; some of them mask their
timidity behind belligenerence against
that great evil of our time,
anti-Semitism, others prose as brave
defenders of poor little beleaguered
Israel. People have a way of praising what
they fear, as everyone in Russia who dared
to speak at all used to celebrate Stalin
in the most fulsome terms. Yet looking
back, we can now see that the praise
itself was nothing but a barometer of
inner dread, and the people who uttered it
appear in retrospect as despicable,
sometimes pitiable cowards. In the future,
I'm sure that the now-fashionable toadying
to Jews will appear equally embarrassing,
even to Jews. The obvious question raised by such
craven conduct is whether the prevalant
"fear of the Jews" - the phrase recurs in
the Acts of the Apostles - is
rational or irrational. The news media
certainly don't shy away from critical
reporting on the Christian right or the
Catholic Church, nor should they. But this
is also to acknowledge that the Christian
right and the Catholic Church accept
criticism as legitimate or, at least, lack
the clout to make it taboo. The organized
though amorphous Jewish power does
neither. (It is of course important to
bear in mind that most Jews aren't
responsible for this, and it is morally
and intellectually wrong to blame them
indiscriminately; but I assume I am
speaking to grownup Christians here.) When I criticize Israel from the most
obvious considerations of conservative
principle and Christian-American interest,
I find that other Christians regard me as
either notably courageous or as simply
foolhardy. I don't think I'm either (I
generally dive for cover as quickly as the
next man), but both opinions do show how
dangerous people think the Jewish
influence is - dangerous, at least, to
anyone who wants a career in politics or
journalism. This intuition
is basically correct. Bill in effect
warned me that Jewish power would try
to wreck my career if I didn't shut up.
I didn't and it did. I found a great
many markets quietly closed to me.
There have been many compensations,
chief of which has been the sifting of
true friends from false (I found Jews
who were ready to help me when my
Judaeo-Christian friends were in full
flight), and I have found new markets
for my services; but believe me that
bunch will do their best to ruin you if
you suggest that Israel is anything but
the best friend this country ever
had. This means that American public
disclosure is being quietly and constantly
warped by unseen pressures. It would be
one thing if we simply had an explicit
rule that criticism of Israel and Jewish
political power is taboo. But an open
taboo is almost a contradiction in terms:
The essence of a taboo is the pretense
that no subject is really being avoided,
that (so to speak) there is no subject
there. The power is immensely
increased because it goes unmentioned,
unmeasured, uncriticized. You can't even
talk back to it if you can't talk
about it. And public debate is
obviously bound to be distorted if Jews
may say things about Christians which
Christians may not say about Jews; the
Holocaust can be blamed on Christianity,
but it might cause a certain disturbance
if the Communist slaughters of Christians,
or even Israeli treatment of non-Jews,
were similarly linked to the Talmud's
teaching about Gentiles, or to its
blasphemies against Christ. The older I get, the more I am
impressed by this pervasive fear of the
Jews - or rather, pervasive in some
critical power centers, unfelt in other
places. It is a huge factor, invisible and
incalculable, in American culture and
politics. |