August 8, 2010 Churchill's Secret War by Madhusree Mukerjee The
1943 Bengal famine was one of the second world
war's greatest scandals. This book lays the blame
squarely on Churchill's shoulders Reviewed by Max
Hastings - Title
Churchill's Secret War: The British Empire and
the Ravaging of India During World War
II
- Author
Madhusree Mukerjee
- Publisher
Basic Books
- Length
368 pages
- Price
£17.09
WINSTON Churchill told the
House of Commons after Pearl Harbor in December
1941: "The great thing is that we have four-fifths
of the world's populations on our side." This was a
terminological inexactitude. It would have been
more correct to say that the allies had many of the
world's peoples under their control, which was
somewhat different. A significant proportion,
including many Arabs and Indians, were alienated
from the allied struggle for freedom, because it
included no commitment to liberate them from
colonial mastery. Even Churchill's greatest
admirers cannot escape the fact that British
misgovernment of the Raj represented a blot on his
wartime leadership. "He is really not quite
normal on the subject of India," wrote Leo Amery,
secretary of state for India. Churchill defied
American opinion by resisting serious negotiation
with Nehru's Congress party about self-government.
He wrote in his war memoirs that President
Roosevelt's commitment to this represented "an act
of madness
Idealism at other people's expense
and without regard to the consequences of ruin and
slaughter which fall upon millions of humble homes
cannot be considered as its highest and noblest
form". He claimed that British
policy was based on a refusal to desert the Indian
people in their hour of need, "leaving them to
anarchy or subjugation". He caused most of the
nationalist leadership to be imprisoned for much of
the war, and endorsed ruthless repressive measures
in response to strikes, demonstrations and acts of
sabotage. The British authorities copied Stalin's
policy in Russia by confiscating all accessible
private radios to prevent disaffected Indians from
listening to Axis broadcasts. All this was narrowly
defensible in the context of Britain's struggle for
survival, especially when the Japanese were at the
gates. On January 21, 1942, the viceroy Lord
Linlithgow reported to London: "There is a large
and dangerous potential fifth column in Bengal,
Assam, Bihar and Orissa, and
indeed,
potentiality of pro-enemy sympathy and activity in
eastern India is enormous." But the scandal, one of the
great horrors of the war, was the 1943 Bengal
famine, in which at least 1m and perhaps 3m Indians
perished. In the clubs of Calcutta sahibs continued
to enjoy unlimited eggs and bacon, while a few
yards from their doors people died in the
streets. This is the story Madhusree
Mukerjee tells in her significant and - to British
readers - distressing book. A soldier of left-wing
sympathies, Clive Branson, was appalled by what he
found in India during war service there: "Let our
imperialists boast
Never will any of
us
forget the unbelievable, indescribable
poverty in which we have found people living
wherever we went." If the British people knew the
truth, "there would be a hell of a row - because
these conditions are maintained in the name of the
British". Bengal was especially
vulnerable. Its principal source of imported rice
was cut off when neighbouring Burma was occupied by
the Japanese. The British confiscated or disabled
most of the coastal region's transport, including
boats and bullock carts, to prevent its use by the
enemy. This crippled both fishing and
trade. Much traditional
crop-growing land had been turned over to jute
production, vital for sandbags - indeed, India
became a major source of war material for the
empire. Then in November 1942 a cyclone struck
today's Bangladesh, killing 30,000 people and
ravaging the countryside. As hunger began to give
way to starvation, the authorities were slow to
respond. Large quantities of food continued to be
exported to Sri Lanka. When the crisis was
belatedly recognised and the new viceroy, Wavell,
appealed to London for food aid, his repeated and
increasingly urgent requests received woefully
inadequate responses. He wrote: "Apparently it is
more important to save the Greeks and liberated
countries from starvation than the Indians and
there is reluctance either to provide shipping or
to reduce stocks in [Britain]." The government pleaded the
shipping shortage, which was real enough. But
Mukerjee makes the telling and just point that,
even at the height of the Battle of the Atlantic,
Churchill insisted on sustaining the British
people's rations at a level far above that
prevailing in India. Winston Churchill. 17th
March 1943 (Muggeridge) To put the matter brutally,
millions of Indians were allowed to starve so that
available shipping - including vessels normally
based in India - could be used to further British
purposes elsewhere. When Churchill's nation was
engaged in a desperate struggle, perhaps this
reflected strategic logic. But it made nonsense of
his post-war claims about upholding the interests
of the Indian people, and indeed of the whole
paternalistic ethic by which the empire sought to
justify itself. Churchill wrote in March
1943, applauding the minister of war transport's
unwillingness to release ships to move relief
supplies: "A concession to one
country
encourages demands from all the
others. [The Indians] must learn to look
after themselves as we have done
We cannot
afford to send ships merely as a gesture of
goodwill." It is a ghastly story, and
the book's eyewitness accounts of the consequences
for the people of Bengal make harrowing reading.
Most recent western histories of the war in the
east mention the famine - as earlier chronicles did
not. But Mukerjee's book offers the fullest account
I have read. She is right in asserting,
passionately and bitterly, that British wartime
governance of India was exploitative. Towards the
end of her tale, however, I became less confident
of her judgments. She suggests, for instance, that
British agents might have been responsible for the
1945 plane crash that killed nationalist leader
Subhas Chandra Bose, serving with the Japanese.
British enthusiasm to eliminate Bose was not in
doubt, but there is no evidence to suggest that
they were smart enough to sabotage his aircraft on
the far side of Asia. Finally, she blames
Churchill for the bloody 1947 partition of India.
This seems a bridge too far. The old imperialist's
enthusiasm for a Muslim Pakistan is well known, as
is his matching distaste for Hindus. But he was two
years out of office when partition came. Its causes
seem to lie deep in the subcontinent's history and
racial make-up. It is hard to make a credible case
that what happened was the product of a
Churchillian conspiracy. But the broad thrust of
Mukerjee's book is as sound as it is shocking. I
have myself argued that Churchill's disdain for the
interests of black and brown peoples besmirched his
awesome wartime record. If the Bengal famine arose
from circumstances beyond British control, failure
to relieve the starving millions - or even to be
seen to care much about them - was in substantial
degree our fault. ©
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