They're
saying things like, 'Move
that,' 'Don't be reporting
that' and 'Ha! Can you believe
they missed that'. It's that
kind of stuff.
--
unnamed US official. |
January
31, 2003 THE
DECISION TO allow Secretary of State
Colin Powell to use the electronic
intercepts in his speech next Wednesday to
the U.N. was described by U.S.
intelligence officials as extraordinary.
Electronic intercepts by the NSA are
considered the most jealously guarded of
all U.S. intelligence secrets and
government officials are normally loath to
even refer to their existence for fear of
tipping off targets and drying up
invaluable sources of
information. But in this case, officials said, the
intercepts are so damning and dramatic
that officials say their release outweighs
the potential harm -- especially given the
increased likelihood that the United
States will shortly be launching an
invasion of Iraq anyway. "Hold onto your hat. We've got it,"
said one U.S. intelligence official
familiar with the evidence gathered by the
NSA. For the past two months, ever since the
U.N. inspectors re-entered Iraq and began
searching for weapons of mass destruction,
the NSA has been closely monitoring the
conversations of Iraqi officials. The NSA
intercepts establish conclusively that the
Iraqis have been "hiding stuff" from the
inspectors, the U.S. intelligence official
said. "They're saying things like, 'Move
that,' 'Don't be reporting that' and 'Ha!
Can you believe they missed that'," the
official said. "It's that kind of
stuff." Other officials cautioned, however,
against viewing the intercepts as the
long-sought "smoking gun" in the search
for Iraq's purported stockpile of banned
weapons. There may still be some ambiguity
about what the Iraqis are referring to in
some of the conversations. Some of the
material being concealed may be precursors
to building weapons, or even documents and
computer disks as opposed to actual
chemical or biological weapons themselves.
The transcripts "show that there's been a
pattern of deception," said another
official, who had been briefed on the
evidence. "But does that make the case
that you have to go to war?" One official who had reviewed a
transcript of the conversations disputed
suggestions that the Iraqis were "joking"
about deceiving the inspectors, describing
them as "straightforward" discussions that
nonetheless clearly showed concealment by
the Iraqis in their dealings with the
inspectors. A White House aide said the
electronic intercepts were only one part
of a much broader picture that would
include satellite photos and other
evidence showing Iraqi noncompliance.
"There won't be a smoking gun, but when
people hear it all you'll see a burning
forest," said one senior administration
official. Powell's
speech will contain "a lot of different
pieces of information that add up to
painting a compelling picture," an
administration official said. Another
official said the administration had
evidence that Iraq had set up "deception
teams" that were orchestrating the
concealment of weapons from the
inspectors. Officials at the CIA, the State
Department, the National Security Council
and Vice President Cheney's office
were said to be "working shoulder to
shoulder reviewing raw data" to determine
precisely how much information can be
declassified for use in Powell's report to
the U.N. scheduled for next week. While precise details have yet to be
worked out, officials described the
decision to use the intercepts at all as
stunning -- especially in an
administration that has prided itself on
its commitment to secrecy in
national-security matters. One official
said next week's speech by Powell will
amount to the most significant release of
this kind of sensitive information since
President Ronald Reagan revealed
NSA intercepts that linked Muammar
Kaddafi to the 1986 La Belle disco
bombing in West Berlin. One argument for releasing the
intercepts, officials said, is that the
normal reasons against doing so -- tipping
off the Iraqis to phone lines or cell
phones that were being monitored -- may
not matter if the U.S. military is about
to invade anyway. Another argument is that
full disclosure, or at least substantial
disclosure of the intercepts, will
persuade an increasingly skeptical public
in the United States and other Western
nations about the nature of the case
against the Iraqis. "I'm all for it," said Rep. Jane
Harman of California, ranking Democrat
on the House Intelligence Committee. "It's
very important to have popular and
multinational support for this effort."
Harmon said the administration's body of
evidence, which has been shared with the
intelligence committees, is strong enough
that it will accomplish that purpose. If
so, Harmon said, she was still hopeful
that Iraq would be forced into compliance
and war could be averted. The
White House has been regularly receiving
the NSA transcripts ever since the
inspectors returned to Iraq late last
year. The damning nature of some of the
transcripts, officials said, explain
President Bush's occasional
outbursts of anger at the Iraqis, as well
as the willingness by Powell -- who had
previously cautioned against war -- to lay
out a damning picture of Iraqi
noncompliance in next week's speech. One
official who had dinner with Powell
recently said the secretary remarked how
"we have a stronger case than many people
realize." Related item on
this website:
Stephen
Pelletiere: A War Crime or an Act of
War? and comment by David Irving on the
use of NSA intercepts to justify
bombing Tripoli
Victor
Ostrovsky (former Mossad agent) on how
The Mossad planted electronic devices
in Libya to fool the NSA into blaming
Ghaddhafi for the disco bombing |