My
book on Hungary did not attract
the reviews it deserved, needless
to say (or perhaps it
did).
--
David Irving to a
correspondent |
July
23, 2002 (Tuesday) Key
West (Florida) SOMEBODY sends me a
review of my book Uprising,
which appeared in an obscure Hungarian
journal eighteen months ago. I shall have
to say "obscure", as it is my only excuse
for having missed it. The article by
András Mink, "David Irving
and the 1956 Revolution," is fascinating
reading, I tell my correspondent. "My book
on Hungary did not attract the reviews it
deserved, needless to say (or perhaps it
did)." I
completed the book after six years' work
in early 1981, at a particularly harrowing
time in our family's history --
Josephine's illness had been diagnosed in
that January -- and to say that the
British press received it
unenthusiastically would be putting it
mildly. They poured hatred, corrosive and
all-engulfing, across its pages. The problem was, in retrospect, that
following the conclusions of the expert
Hungarian analysts employed by the CIA and
other bodies, I drew attention to the
essentially anti-Semitic, "pogrom,"
character of the 1956 anti-Soviet uprising
in Budapest: the secret police chieftains
and torturers, as well as most of the
Soviet puppet regime, were largely Jewish
(a characteristic of most of the post-war
Eastern European Soviet satellite
governments). The 1956 uprising gave the rest of the
Hungarian population a chance to vent
their hatred on them, with often fearsome
results, like the bloodbath of Republic
Square in Budapest in October 1956, as the
occupants of the Communist Party
headquarters were dragged out of the
building one by one and lynched, under the
eyes and lenses of the world's press and
cameramen. One of the photographers
actually showed me his contact-strips, so
one could follow the sequence numerically,
so to speak. This Hungarian reviewer,
András Mink, points out: "Irving takes an avid interest
in the Jewish element among those who
played a role in Hungarian history
after the war and during 1956. The
book's English edition begins with a
biographical rundown of the main
protagonists." The explanation was simple: My editor
at Hodder & Stoughton, Ion
Trewin (now managing director of
Weidenfeld & Nicolson, I think: or am
I confusing him with Eric Major?)
recommended that I put a kind of cast-list
at the front of the book, identifying the
religions of each of the principals, to
aid the reader through this maze. This was something that raised a red
flag to the book's Jewish newspaper
reviewers (Arthur Koestler was one,
a Hungarian-born Jew himself, like John
Lukács; Neal Asherson of
The Observer was another -- he
called the book "A Bucketful of Slime".) It did not stop there. Peter
Israel, my editor at GP Putnam's, the
US publisher, cancelled the book
altogether. It was revealing things that
people did not want to be told. The German
publishers, Bertelsmann, advised that we
drop the worrisome list, and Dr
Albrecht Knaus, the publisher, later
said it was the best book I had written. The news magazine Der Spiegel
agreed, and serialized the book for many
weeks. In the United States it never
appeared: eventually in December 1983 I
even approached Bill Casey,
director of the CIA, who confessed himself
an
admirer of my works, and asked
if he could recommend a publisher as it
was in my view in the interests of the
free world that the whole story be told. I
had underestimated the forces of darkness
however, and that darkness enveloped the
book in the USA and still does.
THIS does not mean that I have not read
the second
part of Mink's article with the utmost
interest. It turns out that he has had
access to the secret Hungarian files on
David Irving and my book. Just as in England the archives are
now, after thirty years, beginning to
reveal the efforts made by Harold
Wilson and later prime ministers to
have me prosecuted for my researches into
real history, so now it turns out that my
innocent and amateurish toils in Budapest
and elsewhere set the cat among the
pigeons in the regime of Janos
Kádár. Reading the names
propelled me back twenty-five years in a
rush to the late 1970s, as I drove around
Hungary in my Rolls-Royce motor car,
visiting the communist bosses and trying
to prise these secrets out of them. I particularly liked Peter
Renyi, editor of Nepszabadsag,
who was assigned to tutor me, it now turns
out. I would have had to be blind not to
have suspected it: why else would a busy
national newspaper editor set aside a
couple of hours a day to speak to a
visiting Englishman. We chated about his
wartime experiences. A communist and a
Jew, he had been arrested by the Nazis and
put to world building tank ditches, but
somehow he had survived. Now I read what he and the others were
reporting to the secret police about me.
Fascinating to read their ponderous
deliberations: The fact that I was a
simple writer, with no great resources,
trying to use whatever arguments I could
to persuade a buttoned-up-tight Communist
regime to open up its secret archives to
me, to balance the free access which I had
obtained to the US, Italian, German,
British and other files, did not sink in.
To them I was a CIA agent (to Kai Bird,
writing in the New Statesman at the
time, I was a Soviet agent). Just as I tried to manipulate them,
they tried to manipulate me: and of course
they were "sitting at the longer levers",
as the German saying has it. Still, I liked to think I was one jump
ahead of them. I checked my room at the
Hotel Gellért for hidden
microphones and two-way mirrors. When they
assigned to me a foreign ministry
official, Erika
László, whose spoken
English was of the most perfect variety, I
suspected at once that she was not just a
simple clerk (and Mink confirms it);
traveling down to interview one
functionary in the Party's compound at
Lake Balaton, I got the proof. The Rolls
was stopped by a traffic cop, who fined me
on the spot for crossing a white line. He
asked to see my passenger's ID. It was
Erika. As he studied the little
cloth-covered booklet, his attitude
suddenly changed, he reddened, saluted
her, bowed, clicked his heels, saluted
again, apologized profusely, cancelled the
ticket, handed back the cash, and escorted
us on our way
The next incident did not help her
either. After I had insisted on arranging
-- despite Erika's obstructions, -- an
interview with the daughter of Imre
Nagy (the revolutionary prime
minister, whom Janos
Kádár had hanged), she
acted as interpreter. I had the tape
recording re-interpreted by exile
Hungarians in London; they told me that
the interpreter had more than once
deliberately mistranslated what the
daughter told me, often reversing the
meaning by 180 degrees. Alarmingly, Mink also writes: "The only
explanation
is that they were
still hoping to get hold of classified
western intelligence." If the Hungarian
government really hoped for that, they
were disappointed. I am not a fool; I had
no access to such closed materials, and
would not have provided them if I had. Nobody paid me, not the Hungarians, not
Moscow, not the CIA. As with all my books,
the researches were funded from my own
pocket. The CIA was notoriously slow in
producing files under the Freedom of
Information act, but I made no
difficulties about supplying spare copies
of these items, from the public domain, to
my contacts in Budapest. It is amusing now
to read how the functionaries then
squabbled among themselves over who should
have these morsels. I subsequently donated my entire
research files on the Hungarian uprising
to the Eastern Europe Institute archives,
directed by Peter Gosztony in
Berne, Switzerland, himself a survivor of
the 1956 drama. Related
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