The
Yellow
Times July 25,
2002A
glitch in the Matrix. By Gabriel Ash Columnist [Open
footnotes in separate
window] (United States) -
Aaron Brown, who
has his own late night news show on CNN,
is a man who inspires confidence. With his
soft voice and his light, wistful smile,
Brown is the incarnation of worldly
thoughtfulness. In his demeanor, as well as in his
words, Brown makes a simple promise to the
viewer: on his show he will not allow
emotions to obstruct the search for
clarity; softly and politely, he will get
to the bottom of things. Unfortunately, the confidence inspiring
demeanor is part of the confidence game of
the Corporate Media. Brown's real talent
lies elsewhere. He is CNN's best reality
patcher - the man you call when there is
"a glitch in the Matrix." Such a glitch occurred on the night of
Monday, July 22, when an Israeli F-16 jet,
carrying out a so-called "targeted
assassination," dropped a one ton bomb on
a building in a crowded neighborhood in
Gaza City, killing 15 Palestinians in
their homes, among them nine children. Why was this a glitch? The time and
place of the Israeli attack raised
questions regarding two cherished pillars
of the "reality" manufactured by U.S.
media news shows. The first pillar is the
belief that Israel, being "a Western
beachhead," and "the only democracy in the
Middle East," values the life of
civilians. This belief allegedly gives Israel the
moral high-ground vis-à-vis the
Palestinian resistance. The second pillar
of "reality" threatened on Monday was the
belief that Israel is, and always has
been, interested in peace, only to be
nstantly rebuffed by the "lack of a
partner." The
first pillar: life Aaron Brown got to the salvage of the
first pillar immediately in the
introduction of the show. Listen and
appreciate: - "...we're going to begin tonight
with the Middle East. It was an Israeli
F-16. A missile hit some buildings.
We'll get into the details in a
moment."
- "But it seems clear that either the
planning was horrible, or that the
missile missed [its] target, or
the Israelis simply didn't care who
they killed if they got their man, a
Hamas military leader."
- "At the risk of provoking an e-mail
barrage, we reject the latter
possibility. We don't believe the
Israeli government would risk killing a
couple of hundred people in order to
maybe - maybe - get one guy."
- "But, of course, some people will
believe that. In the same way some
people who support Israel will believe
anything bad about Palestinians, some
Palestinians will believe anything evil
about Israel. It is just one of the
many reasons the tragedy of the Middle
East is the most maddening story for us
to report."
- "It is not our nature to assume the
absolute worst about any people, and
we're not going to do that here. Others
may. No, what we will do is what we
always do. We will look for facts and
we will report them as we find them.
And the facts alone tonight aren't
going to make anyone - anyone - feel
very good."
Do you see how Brown manages in just a
few sentences to a) point out the
unsettling nature of the event, b) explain
why it is unsettling, c) promise to stick
to the facts, d) and, without any factual
justification, dismiss the unsettling
hypothesis out of hand as something that
"other people" (presumably inferior) might
believe, but one that "we" refuse to
believe? You have witnessed the class act of a
true professional. Let's go back to the
facts. Are the actions of the government
of Israel over the years compatible with a
strong commitment to protect civilian
life? Israel's policy of targeted
assassination is an open policy of murder
of "wanted" Palestinians, carried out in
densely inhabited areas with every
possible weapon.
BYSTANDERS are often killed and injured.
(1) Apart from the particularly high number
of bystanders killed, the last Gaza attack
was "business as usual." The morning
after, Sharon was jubilant and
called the attack "one of our greatest
successes." Over 1500 hundred Palestinians
have been killed by the IDF since
September 2000. Most were civilians and
many were children.(2) The Israeli human rights organization
B'tselem tries to investigate each case
and its data alone belies Brown's faith in
Israel's care for civilian life. IDF
soldiers often use lethal force against
unarmed Palestinians, even children,
simply because they can.(3) Official investigations of Palestinian
deaths are rare and cursory.(4) Routine IDF methods such as harassment
and detention of medical personnel and
blocking of emergency care(5) are designed
to maximize the number of casualties. The
Mitchell Report accuses the IDF of using
lethal force to disperse demonstrations in
September and October 2000. According to
the report, such IDF excesses were a major
cause for the escalation of Palestinian
rioting into the current Intifada. Israeli
Settlers carry arms and routinely initiate
attacks on Palestinians, attacks that
often result in death. IDF soldiers
sometimes watch the violence but do not
intervene to stop it. In the rare cases
settlers were brought to trial, the
punishment was perfunctory: e.g. the
Jewish Fundamentalist Rabbi Moshe
Levinger served three months in prison
for the shooting and killing of 43 year
old shopowner Ka'id Saleh in 1998.
The judge said Levinger deserved clemency
because he was a father to many children.
Presumably it mattered also that he was
Jewish and the victim was Palestinian.
(6) During the first Intifada, which mostly
consisted of riots and civil disobedience,
IDF soldiers and settlers killed over 1000
Palestinians.(7) The low value the Israeli
government places on Palestinian lives
goes back a long way. Thousands of
Palestinian refugees were killed by the
IDF and Israeli police between 1948 and
1956. Most of them were civilians trying
to get back to their villages or fields.
Israeli soldiers had orders to kill
civilians found near the border on sight.
The rest were killed in Israeli terror
attacks on Palestinian villages across the
border.(8) In one of the most infamous of these
terror attack, Ariel Sharon led a death
squad to the village of Qibia in 1953. The
unit killed about 70 unarmed Palestinians,
men women and children, and then dynamited
the village. This wasn't Sharon's idea.
The orders he received instructed him to
"cause destruction and achieve a maximum
number of casualties."(9) There were many similar operations.
This carnage was not random. It was the
result of a doctrine clearly formulated by
Ben-Gurion, Israel's first prime
minister. The murder of civilians was a
central IDF method in the struggle to
destroy and discourage Palestinian
nationalism. Ben Gurion wrote in his
diary, "At the place of action there is no
need to distinguish between the guilty and
the innocent."(10) Actually, Ben-Gurion was more
circumspect than his generals. Many of the
attacks occurred in places where nobody
was guilty of anything beyond being
Palestinian. Israel's terror attacks
against civilians, officially described as
"reprisals," had strategic goals: to
create tensions between Palestinians and
the countries forced to host them and to
expel Palestinians from cross-border areas
Israel wanted empty, such as the Jordan
valley and South Lebanon. After the 1967
war, and even more so after September
1971, the focus of Israeli terror shifted
to Lebanon. Between 1968 and 1981,
thousands of Lebanese and Palestinian
civilians were killed by Israeli air
raids, artillery, and commando operations.
Tens of thousands fled to the North as
refugees. (11) During the same time, the Palestine
Liberation Organization (PLO) mounted many
operations against Israeli civilians. But
there is no comparison. Israel murdered
more civilians than the PLO by more than
an order of magnitude.(12) Israel knew exactly what it was doing.
In 1978, Ha'aretz military analyst
Ze'ev Schiff, no friend of
Palestinians, commented on a statement
made by the Israeli Chief of Staff: "the
importance of Gur's remarks is the
admission that the Israeli Army has always
struck civilian populations, purposely and
consciously. . . the Army never
distinguished civilian [from
military] targets . . . [but]
purposely attacked civilian targets even
when Israeli settlements had not been
attacked."(13) The crowning moment in this procession
of brutalities was Israel's invasion of
Lebanon in June 1982. The invasion was not
a response to PLO cross-border attacks
(there were none), but to the PLO's
scrupulous observance of the cease-fire
that had been agreed upon in July 1981.
The Israeli government feared that the
ability of the PLO to enforce the
cease-fire would put pressure on Israel to
negotiate the future of the Occupied
Territories. Adding to the pressure, Saudi
Arabia made a peace proposal (the Fahd
plan) in August 1981. The prospect of
peace scared Israeli politicians so much
that fighter jets were sent to circle in
Saudi skies.(14) The Lebanon invasion, masterminded by
the "man of peace" Sharon, was a campaign
of destruction directed against the
civilian population, especially the
Palestinian refugees, who were considered
"terrorists," and "bi-legged animals."
Refugee camps and cities, including Sydon
and Beirut, were shelled and turned to
rubble. The IDF, as usual, gave particular
attention to bombing hospitals, arresting
medical personnel and stopping medical
supplies from reaching the civilian
population. At least 20,000 people,
Lebanese and Palestinians, were killed by
IDF shelling in the first three months of
the war, almost all of them civilians.
Some 400,000 became refugees again after
their homes were razed to the
ground.(15) When President Reagan lost
patience with Israel during the siege of
Beirut, Prime Minister Begin sent
him a delirious telegram in which he
justified the shelling of Beirut by
invoking an image of Hitler hiding
inside the city. Apparently, had the U.S.
sent Israel Prozac instead of guns, there
would have been peace in the Middle East a
long time ago. The most notorious example
of Israel's so-called concern for civilian
life took place in September 1982 in Sabra
and Shatila. About 150 Phalangists were
sent by the Israeli command into the
camps, supposedly to "mop up terrorists."
The Phalangists did exactly what could be
expected of them based on their well known
previous behavior. They systematically
massacred the camp inhabitants for 36 long
hours. The IDF sealed off the camps, fired
flares so the killing could go on in the
night, and supplied bulldozers to bury the
bodies. The massacre happened in full view
of IDF positions. All the Israelis who got
wind of the massacre as it happened, and
there were quite a few, chose to do
nothing (except for the journalist Ze'ev
Schiff, who called a minister, who called
another minister, who did
nothing).(16)
WHAT then are the "facts" that convinced
Brown Israel must care deeply about
civilian casualties? What should we believe more: the latest
statements of regret issued by Shimon
Peres and Yossi Sarid, or half
a century of unrelenting war against
civilians? But let's not hold it against
Aaron Brown. He cultivates his ignorance
for a reason. He doesn't want to have to
choose between his job and his conscience.
The second pillar: peace The reason the
second belief was shaken (the belief that
Israel wanted peace but didn't have a
partner), was that the attack in Gaza
followed two developments, both of which
Brown mentions, which raised hopes for a
reduction in violence. - First, there were busy negotiations
Monday between the Palestine Authority
(PA) and Israel over withdrawal from
two West Bank cities.
- Second, Sheik Yassin, the
spiritual leader of Hamas, under
intense pressure, made a statement
opening the way to ending Hamas's
suicide attacks operations.
Israel's terror attack in Gaza took
place only hours before the planned
announcement of a resolution by Fateh
leaders to end all attacks on
non-combatants. Hamas has reportedly
agreed to honor the cease-fire. It is
almost inconceiveable that the decision to
kill such a high level leader was taken
without consideration of the about to be
announced cease-fire, in whose drafting
European and British teams
participated. This is in fact the third time this
year that Israel responds to a cease-fire
with the assassination of a Palestinian
leader. Hamas leader Abu-Hanoud
(assassinated in December 2001), and Fateh
leader Ra'ed Karmi (assassinated in
January 2002) were both killed in similar
circumstances.(*17) The two assassinations scuttled two
cease-fires announced by Arafat and
generally observed. Just as Israel
preferred a terrorist PLO to a negotiating
PLO in 1982, it seems now Israel prefers
suicide attacks to negotiating with Hamas
and Fateh. To patch this breach in "reality,"
Brown invited a single guest to the show,
Daniel Pipes, an "expert" who
worries that American Muslims plot to take
over America (from the hands of AIPAC, I
presume) and whose views on the Middle
East are shared by the Israeli right. So
much for "balance"! But Pipes is absolutely necessary.
After all, Brown's mission at CNN is to
convince his viewers that the attack on
Gaza can be accommodated within the media
"reality" regarding virtuous Israel.
THE task of figuring out how Brown used
Pipes to patch the image of Israel as a
peace loving country is left to the
reader. The transcript
of the show is available. What is maddening about the Middle East
is not that it is a "maddening story for
us to report." What is maddening about the
Middle East is that the U.S. is dumping
billions of dollars in military equipment
every year into the hands of a nation in
the grip of a post-traumatic psychosis, a
nation that hallucinates the moustache of
Adolf Hitler above the lips of
every Palestinian, man, woman or child,
and whose leaders manipulate its delirium
to justify an endless and lawless war
against civilians. What is maddening about the Middle East
is that the U.S. is maddening the Middle
East. Gabriel Ash was born in
Romania and grew up in Israel. He is an
unabashed "opssimist." He writes his
columns because the pen is sometimes
mightier than the sword - and sometimes
not. Gabriel lives in the United
States. Gabriel Ash encourages your comments:
gash@YellowTimes.org
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